-
“Data collection, in the form of land surveys and mapping, was key to successive projects of European imperialist and then capitalist extraction of natural resources. Geo-spatial instruments have been used since the fifteenth century to highlight potential sites of mineral, oil, and gas extraction, and inscribe European economic, cultural and political control across indigenous territories.” ⤴️
-
“During the 1970s, counter-mapping projects were part of a larger repertoire of negotiations with the state over land claims, and served to re-inscribe first nation’s long-standing history of economic, social and cultural relations in their territories” ⤴️
-
“counter-mapping as data justice required fusion within larger projects of redistributive, transformative and restorative justice.” ⤴️
-
“‘The power ofdata, including maps, graphs and visualizations,’ as Renzi and Langlois remind us, ‘not only resides in its capacity to produce knowledge, but also in its ability to shape perceived realities.’” ⤴️
-
“‘Data has transformative and affective potential’ and ‘activists are drawing on data as a way to provide means for social transformation’” ⤴️
-
“the ‘landscapes of the world became geographic objects of European power’ (Sluyter, 2001).” ⤴️
-
“sur- veyors and cartographers depended on the support of Indigenous people, their generosity was mostly repudiated; once their knowledge was extracted, they were largely unable to withstand the combined onslaught of surveyors, armed groups, missionaries, miners and government bureaucrats, and were violently displaced from their territories.” ⤴️
-
“During the nineteenth century, maps were one of the key disciplinary technologies in the management of dispossession in Canada, essential to organizing colonial space (Harris, 2004). Once minerals, oil and natural gas were found, the colonial government quickly intervened on behalf of the extractive industries to negotiate treaties, land claims and other contracts with Indigenous groups.” ⤴️
-
“This process continues to this day, as Canada continues to be one of the global hubs of the mining, oil and natural gas industries, employing sophisticated cartographic practices in extensive domestic and international operations.” ⤴️
-
“Harris and Hazen define counter-mapping as ‘any effort that fundamentally ques- tions the assumptions or biases of cartographic conventions, that challenges predominant power effects of mapping, or that engages in mapping in ways that upset power relations’ (115).1” ⤴️
-
“links contests over mapping and cartographic practices between two types of capitalist accumulation – the so-called ‘new oil’ of digital data extraction and the much older material extraction of oil, minerals, and other non-renewable resources.” ⤴️
-
“became aware of just how imbricated the Canadian state and my own subjectivity and status as a white settler is in capitalist practices of extraction.” ⤴️
-
“Taiaiake drew a direct line between the Canadian Government’s renewed commitment to extractivism and the continuing dis- possession of Indigenous peoples” ⤴️
-
“I utilize the autonomist Marxist composition meth- odology elaborated by Nick Dyer-Witheford to query the forms ofcounter-power possible in a highly globalized capitalism (2008).3” ⤴️
-
“n compare the use of counter-mapping in two cycles of Indigenous resistance to oil pipelines – the precedent- setting use of counter-mapping by the Dene and Inuit during the 1970s (Bryan & Wood, 2015; Dalton & Stallman, 2018; Eades, 2015); and the current use of counter- mapping within the Unist’ot’en and Secwepemc anti-pipeline campaigns.” ⤴️
-
“examples of data acti- vism fused within larger projects of redistributive, transformative and restorative justice, which optimize their liberation and not the capitalist market (2018).” ⤴️
-
“The act of extraction removes all of the relationships that give whatever is being extracted meaning” ⤴️
-
Leanne Betasamosake Simpson in an interview with Naomi Klein
-
“many Indigenous nations never ceded their very different worldviews, ways of knowing, and ethics of collective responsibility for all the life forms within the territories they held in common.” ⤴️
-
“In Canada, many first nations never ceded col- lective title to the land they held pre-contact, nor their sovereign rights to live, productively utilize and govern their territories.” ⤴️
-
“Rather than individual plots of property to be exploited, territory was understood as a collective ecology held in common by an ethical framework that he calls ‘grounded normativity.’ As part of their customary systems of collective tenure, Indigenous communities had sophisticated mapping practices.” ⤴️
-
“Maps provided one of the primary means of communication between the colonizers and the Indigenous peoples (Eades, 2015). European cartographers were usually depen- dent on Indigenous peoples’ knowledge, if seldom acknowledged (Willow, 2013).” ⤴️
-
“Blank spaces do not represent gaps in knowledge, but instead ‘actively erase (and legitimize the erasure of) existing social, and geo-cultural formations in preparation for the projection and subsequent emplacement of a new order’ (DeRogatis, 2003, p. 33).” ⤴️
-
“enumer- ation of Indigenous peoples into ‘quantitative datasets and indicators that reflected colo- nial preoccupations and values’ (2016, p. 120).” ⤴️
-
“In much ofNorth America, maps were key instruments used in the rounding up and relocation of people into very small reserves in Canada, and reservations in the US,” ⤴️
-
“their lands privatized and turned into individual ‘fee simple’ real estate that could be monetized (Manuel, 2015). Indigenous groups across the country soundly rejected the proposals as a thinly disguised attempt at ‘extermination by assimilation’ (Cardinal, 1969).” ⤴️
-
“The ironically named White Paper helped to galvanize first nations, and led to the establishment of important regional, national and international political organizations, especially in the west, where many first nations re-asserted Aboriginal title, demanded self-government, and Indigenous con- trol over social, political and economic concerns. T” ⤴️
-
“in 1973, the Trudeau government reversed course and proposed a land claims policy, priorizing areas of high (Read: extractivist) development potential. They proposed exchanging a package of rights and benefits in return for the extinguish- ment of Aboriginal title (Monet & Skanu’u, 1992). This reversal of fifty-two years of the government’s denial ofIndigenous land grievances was motivated by three events: the Lib- eral Party’s political vulnerability as a minority government, the OPEC oil stand-off, and the decision in the Nisga’a case, in which the Supreme Court had determined that Abori- ginal title had existed in British and Canadian law since the Royal Proclamation of 1763 (Bryan & Wood, 2015).” ⤴️
-
”, both first nations used counter-mapping to challenge the state and oil company contentions, and as importantly, to reinvigorate their knowledge of their territory, and its significance for their ways of sustaining themselves, and reproducing their collective identities.” ⤴️
-
“Mapping practices produce ‘geographic visions’ that can either counter ‘predominant power effects’ and ‘upset power relations,’ or be used for programs of state-building and capital accumulation (2018, pp. 95–96).” ⤴️
-
“d a visual med- ium to collectively assess and reassert control over conservation and natural resources (Willow, 2013),” ⤴️
-
“o combine their own low-tech methods with the state’s tech- niques and manners of representation in order to re-insert themselves and their lived experiences and perspectives, underscore their unique relationship to landscapes, chal- lenge their disadvantaged circumstances, and get their territorial and customary claims” ⤴️
-
“to resources recognized by dominant settler societies (1995).” ⤴️
-
“In some cases, map-making projects were entirely subsumed by state and corporate discourses, or worse, used to survey Indi- genous peoples and their territories and justify extractivist projects (Bryan & Wood, 2015).” ⤴️
-
“‘Indigenous people who choose to enact their sovereignty in this manner are indeed empowered, but only within an existing – and inequitable – socio-political system’ (2013, p. 882). 6” ⤴️
-
“even though the goals were constrained, the elders effectively used the process to ‘generate cohesion, pride and rebuilding’ within their com- munity. Critical messages about ‘dispossession, displacement, encroachment and indus- trial extractivism’ were graphically communicated, as was the value of Indigenous intellectual thought and knowledge-making (2017, pp. 12–13).” ⤴️
-
“Key to this new extra-activist politics is a trans-media communications repertoire (Cost- anza-Chock, 2014), encompassing all manner of face-to- face, analog and digital media, including counter-mapping.” ⤴️
-
“using all of the affordances of the digital ecology, maps are part of a repertoire of decolonizing knowledge for Indigenous and non- Indigenous alike, circulating across the country and around the world. T” ⤴️
-
“During the 1980s, the International Monetary Fund and World Bank encour- aged governments to invite foreign extractivist industries to develop their natural resources, arguing that the potential profits from exploiting oil, gas and minerals, includ- ing those now required for digital technologies (coltan, silicon, tantalum, palladium, etc.) could provide employment, tax revenue, trickle down wealth, and spill-on effects for local and national economies.” ⤴️
-
“a decentralized digital media and educational cam- paign (Duarte, 2017). Called themselves Idle No More” ⤴️
-
“The ‘orchestrated assemblages of SNS, devices, various web plat- forms, and independent media channels’ according to Pascua Yaqui member and scholar Marisa Duarte, allowed Idle No More and their allies, ‘to organise quickly and effectively, circulating messages, memes and actions that destabilised colonial efforts across First Nations lands’ (Duarte, 2017, p. 6).” ⤴️
-
“a number of Indigenous leaders have adopted the extractivist paradigm, attracted to the promise ofjobs, investment and wealth as a remedy for the exceedingly high levels of Indigenous poverty and unemployment.” ⤴️
-
”, a number ofgroups have rejected ‘the colonial politics ofrecognition’ arguing that land claims and treaty processes have reinforced political and economic assimilation, reduced Indigenous territories to individually-owned property tracts, and instituted a flawed form of self-government” ⤴️
-
“engaging in a de-colonial politics grounded on a critical refashioning of Indigenous customs and collective relations with the land, and sovereign legal and political traditions (Coulthard, 2014).” ⤴️
-
“the goals of the Unist’ot’en camp include protecting their territory and salmon waterways against potential oil spills, nurturing their Wet’suwet’en knowledges and culture and prac- tizing territorial sovereignty.” ⤴️
-
“They combine material and immaterial practices of mapping their territory. Drawing from the knowledge of their elders, they re-constitute their material bonds with the land, hunting, fishing, trapping, gathering, together with Indigenous and non-Indigenous allies. They have also created educational materials for the web, which map the inter-con- nections between waterways, fish and animal habitat, against the chain of pipelines and extractive projects in the larger region of northern B.C.” ⤴️
-
“Since 2011, they have practiced a variety of sousveillance techniques, using GPS and other means to intercept the sur- veyors from the pipeline companies and monitor the surveillance of the RCMP, the national police; encounters are documented and circulated via video.” ⤴️
-
“Using GPS, they have placed tiny houses in the path of the pipeline (Morin, 2017).” ⤴️
-
“In the process they introduced very different forms of data, and procedures of knowledge and history making which challenged the hegemony of European-derived types of evidence, if still constrained by the grossly inequitable economic and socio-pol- itical systems, and ways of knowing. (Borrows, 1999; Willow, 2013).” ⤴️
-
“re-inscribe historical mem- ories and revive their long-standing reciprocal relations with their territory and ways oflife (Simpson, 2017, p. 14).” ⤴️
-
“The practices also generated a greater appreciation of the elders who participated in the research, local knowledge systems and land-use protocols; and provided graphic tools for a de-colonial critique of their history and a vision of a very different future.” ⤴️
-
“the affordances of digital technologies increased the scale and pace of data production and circulation beyond isolated Indigenous communities.” ⤴️
-
“e demonstrate how counter-mapping by itself, as with any genre of data justice, can never be substituted for long term political organizing (Concepción, 2014).” ⤴️
-
“e the importance ofIndigenous control ofdata, a trans-media approach that builds on all the extant cultural and communications resources and ways of knowing of a particular group or movement. E” ⤴️
-
“e examples of data activism fused within larger projects of redistributive, transformative and restorative justice, which optimize their liberation and not the capitalist market (Costanza-Chock, 2018).” ⤴️
-
“Data collection, in the form of land surveys and mapping, was key to successive projects of European imperialist and then capitalist extraction of natural resources. Geo-spatial instruments have been used since the fifteenth century to highlight potential sites of mineral, oil, and gas extraction, and inscribe European economic, cultural and political control across indigenous territories.” ⤴️
-
“During the 1970s, counter-mapping projects were part of a larger repertoire of negotiations with the state over land claims, and served to re-inscribe first nation’s long-standing history of economic, social and cultural relations in their territories” ⤴️
-
“counter-mapping as data justice required fusion within larger projects of redistributive, transformative and restorative justice.” ⤴️
-
“‘The power ofdata, including maps, graphs and visualizations,’ as Renzi and Langlois remind us, ‘not only resides in its capacity to produce knowledge, but also in its ability to shape perceived realities.’” ⤴️
-
“‘Data has transformative and affective potential’ and ‘activists are drawing on data as a way to provide means for social transformation’” ⤴️
-
“the ‘landscapes of the world became geographic objects of European power’ (Sluyter, 2001).” ⤴️
-
“sur- veyors and cartographers depended on the support of Indigenous people, their generosity was mostly repudiated; once their knowledge was extracted, they were largely unable to withstand the combined onslaught of surveyors, armed groups, missionaries, miners and government bureaucrats, and were violently displaced from their territories.” ⤴️
-
“During the nineteenth century, maps were one of the key disciplinary technologies in the management of dispossession in Canada, essential to organizing colonial space (Harris, 2004). Once minerals, oil and natural gas were found, the colonial government quickly intervened on behalf of the extractive industries to negotiate treaties, land claims and other contracts with Indigenous groups.” ⤴️
-
“This process continues to this day, as Canada continues to be one of the global hubs of the mining, oil and natural gas industries, employing sophisticated cartographic practices in extensive domestic and international operations.” ⤴️
-
“Harris and Hazen define counter-mapping as ‘any effort that fundamentally ques- tions the assumptions or biases of cartographic conventions, that challenges predominant power effects of mapping, or that engages in mapping in ways that upset power relations’ (115).1” ⤴️
-
“links contests over mapping and cartographic practices between two types of capitalist accumulation – the so-called ‘new oil’ of digital data extraction and the much older material extraction of oil, minerals, and other non-renewable resources.” ⤴️
-
“became aware of just how imbricated the Canadian state and my own subjectivity and status as a white settler is in capitalist practices of extraction.” ⤴️
-
“Taiaiake drew a direct line between the Canadian Government’s renewed commitment to extractivism and the continuing dis- possession of Indigenous peoples” ⤴️
-
“I utilize the autonomist Marxist composition meth- odology elaborated by Nick Dyer-Witheford to query the forms ofcounter-power possible in a highly globalized capitalism (2008).3” ⤴️
-
“n compare the use of counter-mapping in two cycles of Indigenous resistance to oil pipelines – the precedent- setting use of counter-mapping by the Dene and Inuit during the 1970s (Bryan & Wood, 2015; Dalton & Stallman, 2018; Eades, 2015); and the current use of counter- mapping within the Unist’ot’en and Secwepemc anti-pipeline campaigns.” ⤴️
-
“examples of data acti- vism fused within larger projects of redistributive, transformative and restorative justice, which optimize their liberation and not the capitalist market (2018).” ⤴️
-
“The act of extraction removes all of the relationships that give whatever is being extracted meaning” ⤴️
-
Leanne Betasamosake Simpson in an interview with Naomi Klein
-
“many Indigenous nations never ceded their very different worldviews, ways of knowing, and ethics of collective responsibility for all the life forms within the territories they held in common.” ⤴️
-
“In Canada, many first nations never ceded col- lective title to the land they held pre-contact, nor their sovereign rights to live, productively utilize and govern their territories.” ⤴️
-
“Rather than individual plots of property to be exploited, territory was understood as a collective ecology held in common by an ethical framework that he calls ‘grounded normativity.’ As part of their customary systems of collective tenure, Indigenous communities had sophisticated mapping practices.” ⤴️
-
“Maps provided one of the primary means of communication between the colonizers and the Indigenous peoples (Eades, 2015). European cartographers were usually depen- dent on Indigenous peoples’ knowledge, if seldom acknowledged (Willow, 2013).” ⤴️
-
“Blank spaces do not represent gaps in knowledge, but instead ‘actively erase (and legitimize the erasure of) existing social, and geo-cultural formations in preparation for the projection and subsequent emplacement of a new order’ (DeRogatis, 2003, p. 33).” ⤴️
-
“enumer- ation of Indigenous peoples into ‘quantitative datasets and indicators that reflected colo- nial preoccupations and values’ (2016, p. 120).” ⤴️
-
“In much ofNorth America, maps were key instruments used in the rounding up and relocation of people into very small reserves in Canada, and reservations in the US,” ⤴️
-
“their lands privatized and turned into individual ‘fee simple’ real estate that could be monetized (Manuel, 2015). Indigenous groups across the country soundly rejected the proposals as a thinly disguised attempt at ‘extermination by assimilation’ (Cardinal, 1969).” ⤴️
-
“The ironically named White Paper helped to galvanize first nations, and led to the establishment of important regional, national and international political organizations, especially in the west, where many first nations re-asserted Aboriginal title, demanded self-government, and Indigenous con- trol over social, political and economic concerns. T” ⤴️
-
“in 1973, the Trudeau government reversed course and proposed a land claims policy, priorizing areas of high (Read: extractivist) development potential. They proposed exchanging a package of rights and benefits in return for the extinguish- ment of Aboriginal title (Monet & Skanu’u, 1992). This reversal of fifty-two years of the government’s denial ofIndigenous land grievances was motivated by three events: the Lib- eral Party’s political vulnerability as a minority government, the OPEC oil stand-off, and the decision in the Nisga’a case, in which the Supreme Court had determined that Abori- ginal title had existed in British and Canadian law since the Royal Proclamation of 1763 (Bryan & Wood, 2015).” ⤴️
-
”, both first nations used counter-mapping to challenge the state and oil company contentions, and as importantly, to reinvigorate their knowledge of their territory, and its significance for their ways of sustaining themselves, and reproducing their collective identities.” ⤴️
-
“Mapping practices produce ‘geographic visions’ that can either counter ‘predominant power effects’ and ‘upset power relations,’ or be used for programs of state-building and capital accumulation (2018, pp. 95–96).” ⤴️
-
“d a visual med- ium to collectively assess and reassert control over conservation and natural resources (Willow, 2013),” ⤴️
-
“o combine their own low-tech methods with the state’s tech- niques and manners of representation in order to re-insert themselves and their lived experiences and perspectives, underscore their unique relationship to landscapes, chal- lenge their disadvantaged circumstances, and get their territorial and customary claims” ⤴️
-
“to resources recognized by dominant settler societies (1995).” ⤴️
-
“In some cases, map-making projects were entirely subsumed by state and corporate discourses, or worse, used to survey Indi- genous peoples and their territories and justify extractivist projects (Bryan & Wood, 2015).” ⤴️
-
“‘Indigenous people who choose to enact their sovereignty in this manner are indeed empowered, but only within an existing – and inequitable – socio-political system’ (2013, p. 882). 6” ⤴️
-
“even though the goals were constrained, the elders effectively used the process to ‘generate cohesion, pride and rebuilding’ within their com- munity. Critical messages about ‘dispossession, displacement, encroachment and indus- trial extractivism’ were graphically communicated, as was the value of Indigenous intellectual thought and knowledge-making (2017, pp. 12–13).” ⤴️
-
“Key to this new extra-activist politics is a trans-media communications repertoire (Cost- anza-Chock, 2014), encompassing all manner of face-to- face, analog and digital media, including counter-mapping.” ⤴️
-
“using all of the affordances of the digital ecology, maps are part of a repertoire of decolonizing knowledge for Indigenous and non- Indigenous alike, circulating across the country and around the world. T” ⤴️
-
“During the 1980s, the International Monetary Fund and World Bank encour- aged governments to invite foreign extractivist industries to develop their natural resources, arguing that the potential profits from exploiting oil, gas and minerals, includ- ing those now required for digital technologies (coltan, silicon, tantalum, palladium, etc.) could provide employment, tax revenue, trickle down wealth, and spill-on effects for local and national economies.” ⤴️
-
“a decentralized digital media and educational cam- paign (Duarte, 2017). Called themselves Idle No More” ⤴️
-
“The ‘orchestrated assemblages of SNS, devices, various web plat- forms, and independent media channels’ according to Pascua Yaqui member and scholar Marisa Duarte, allowed Idle No More and their allies, ‘to organise quickly and effectively, circulating messages, memes and actions that destabilised colonial efforts across First Nations lands’ (Duarte, 2017, p. 6).” ⤴️
-
“a number of Indigenous leaders have adopted the extractivist paradigm, attracted to the promise ofjobs, investment and wealth as a remedy for the exceedingly high levels of Indigenous poverty and unemployment.” ⤴️
-
”, a number ofgroups have rejected ‘the colonial politics ofrecognition’ arguing that land claims and treaty processes have reinforced political and economic assimilation, reduced Indigenous territories to individually-owned property tracts, and instituted a flawed form of self-government” ⤴️
-
“engaging in a de-colonial politics grounded on a critical refashioning of Indigenous customs and collective relations with the land, and sovereign legal and political traditions (Coulthard, 2014).” ⤴️
-
“the goals of the Unist’ot’en camp include protecting their territory and salmon waterways against potential oil spills, nurturing their Wet’suwet’en knowledges and culture and prac- tizing territorial sovereignty.” ⤴️
-
“They combine material and immaterial practices of mapping their territory. Drawing from the knowledge of their elders, they re-constitute their material bonds with the land, hunting, fishing, trapping, gathering, together with Indigenous and non-Indigenous allies. They have also created educational materials for the web, which map the inter-con- nections between waterways, fish and animal habitat, against the chain of pipelines and extractive projects in the larger region of northern B.C.” ⤴️
-
“Since 2011, they have practiced a variety of sousveillance techniques, using GPS and other means to intercept the sur- veyors from the pipeline companies and monitor the surveillance of the RCMP, the national police; encounters are documented and circulated via video.” ⤴️
-
“Using GPS, they have placed tiny houses in the path of the pipeline (Morin, 2017).” ⤴️
-
“In the process they introduced very different forms of data, and procedures of knowledge and history making which challenged the hegemony of European-derived types of evidence, if still constrained by the grossly inequitable economic and socio-pol- itical systems, and ways of knowing. (Borrows, 1999; Willow, 2013).” ⤴️
-
“re-inscribe historical mem- ories and revive their long-standing reciprocal relations with their territory and ways oflife (Simpson, 2017, p. 14).” ⤴️
-
“The practices also generated a greater appreciation of the elders who participated in the research, local knowledge systems and land-use protocols; and provided graphic tools for a de-colonial critique of their history and a vision of a very different future.” ⤴️
-
“the affordances of digital technologies increased the scale and pace of data production and circulation beyond isolated Indigenous communities.” ⤴️
-
“e demonstrate how counter-mapping by itself, as with any genre of data justice, can never be substituted for long term political organizing (Concepción, 2014).” ⤴️
-
“e the importance ofIndigenous control ofdata, a trans-media approach that builds on all the extant cultural and communications resources and ways of knowing of a particular group or movement. E” ⤴️
-
“e examples of data activism fused within larger projects of redistributive, transformative and restorative justice, which optimize their liberation and not the capitalist market (Costanza-Chock, 2018).” ⤴️